Category Archives: Agriculture

Market Facilitation and the Benefits of NGOs

I don’t usually write follow up posts, though I received a thought-provoking comment from longtime Develop Economies reader Ed Center on my post about the negative impacts of NGOs on economic development in Northern Ghana. It is worth quoting in full:

This insight then begs the question; why are you working for an NGO in Ghana?

I have a friend in Cambodia who went to an excellent school that provides education and job skills to street kids. The thing is, he isn’t a street kid. He lied so that he could get a better education than is offered in the sad public school system. There are some excellent NGOs in Cambodia, particularly in education and heath, but does this cluttered network take the onus off the government and private sector to teach and care for the people? Do foreign NGOs crowd the space that local public and private sectors should occupy? Or without these NGOs, would my friend have gotten a crappy education? Without NGOs, do more babies die and more people go ignorant?

And what is the strategy when the answer to all these questions seems to be yes?

It is true that I am currently working for an NGO doing agriculture economic development work here in Ghana. But it is worth noting that the project I’m working on takes the negative effects of its predecessors into account in its approach. It is a market facilitation project, which emphasizes making linkages in the private sector, and working with companies to develop business models that are more profitable and scalable. The underlying premise is that, beyond a lack of financial resources and technical capabilities, there are basic communication gaps between value chain “actors.” This requires some explanation.

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The Scourge of NGOs

Right now I am up in Tamale working with the ADVANCE office here.  I am meeting with maize farmers to help them think about how to invest in yellow maize production.  There is a financial institution that is providing credit to farmers in an effort to spur investment in yellow maize and soya beans.  They are offering a loan facility at 18% annual interest, which is much lower than the typical 30% that financial institutions offer for agriculture loans.  Being up here, I have had the chance to see the destructive power of non-government organizations, otherwise known as NGOs.

I have only been here for a few days, but I have colleagues that have been here for months and have been able to talk to them at length about the challenge of using a market facilitation approach in a city that has been described to me as the “NGO capital of the world.”  In a post on the subject, a friend and colleague working with Engineers Without Borders describes it well:

Tamale is the NGO capital of Ghana, with a disgusting and disproportionate number of signposts, land cruisers, air conditioned offices with generators, and hotels with conference centers. I think that pretty much every possible permutation of the words sustainable, community, rural, development has been used to create an NGO acronym.

At a practical level, there is a serious crowding of NGOs who are doing agriculture work, and even more specifically those taking a Value Chains or Market Facilitation approach. I’ve had a chance to participate in 3-4 different forums/workshops that involve different projects with similar philosophies, and even sat around the table during a discussion on collaboration between 3 projects and 1 “private” sector aggregator. I use quotations because there is a growing number of businesses which have been targeted by projects like ADVANCE, whose core business is slipping from profit through sales, to money through grants, trainings, per-diems and the like.

In fact, I was supposed to meet with a maize nucleus farmer (someone who has a large farm and buys from smallholder farms, provides them with financing to pay for seeds and inputs, and sells the produce to a buyer), but he is unable to meet on Saturday (my birthday) because he is attending a course on “NGO Management.”  There is so much free money in the system that the market is completely distorted.

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Commodity Speculation, Rising Food Prices, and Goldman Sachs

Old habits die hard, and the motor patterns in my fingers that brought me to the Drudge Report so many times when I worked in a cubicle in Boston once again led me to page the other day.  Living up to its reputation for sensationalism, it featured a headline recently about the escalation of food prices around the world.  Unfortunately, while Drudge is usually over-the-top, rising food prices are no laughing matter.  In 2008, the rising cost of our daily bread led to food riots around the globe and massive destabilization in developing countries, most prominently in Haiti.  It alerted food-dependent developed countries to a glaring Achilles’ heel, spurring a land grab in Africa that (almost) comically culminated with the South Korean conglomerate Daewoo making a bid for half – yes, half – of the arable land in Madagascar.  So when the next food crisis hits, and hit it will, the developed countries with a foothold may think they are food-secure, until the hungry populations of the food-insecure countries serving as their respective breadbaskets see the fields of gold beyond the fence and decide to Mugabe it for themselves.  Unless, of course, the landowners (read: nations) deploy armed guards to protect these critical investments, resulting in rioting, bloodshed, and, inshallah, the toppling of governments.

And now, it could be happening again.  I sound like Drudge.

Theoretically, commodity prices fluctuate based on the principles of supply and demand.  When the demand for grain exceeds supply, prices go up.  In the movie Trading Places, Randolph and Mortimer Duke, the lovable racist WASPs, try to corner the market for Florida oranges.  They pay Clarence Beeks for an advance copy of the classified crop report, which will determine the price of oranges for the next trading period.  Akroyd and Murphy intercept the report and forge a new version, giving the impression that there will be a shortage of oranges due to a long winter.  On the trading floor, the Dukes’ trader buys as many orange futures as he can, under the assumption that they will become more valuable once the negative forecast for oranges is released.  The other traders see what is happening, and also buy, driving prices up and up.  Akroyd and Murphy begin selling at 120, until the crop report is released.  When the real crop report is released, which says that this year’s orange yields will be high, the price plummets, and Akroyd and Murphy buy all the futures they sold in the morning, becoming millionaires in the process.  This is how commodity trading works.

In reality, this isn’t always the case. Continue reading

A Brief History of Fresh Pineapple Exports in Ghana

Yesterday I met with the founder of a pineapple exporting company in Ghana.  He is one of the first pineapple exporters in the country, opening his operation in 1985.  He is one of the founding members of Seafreight Pineapple Exporters Group (SPEG), and is the organization’s first chairman.  He was trained as a pharmacist and originally went into pineapple export because he needed to acquire foreign exchange in order to purchase pharmaceuticals from abroad for his pharmacy business, and realized he was in the wrong business.  Ghana was sitting on a gold mine with pineapples, yet no one had noticed it.   He recognized that the proximity of West Africa to Europe – specifically, the UK and Germany – and the climate of Ghana made for a strong value proposition for growing pineapple.  This man, along with a small group of primarily businessmen with no prior farming experience, established the export market for pineapples in Ghana.

Back in the ’80’s, there were only five flights per week into Europe from Accra, the capital city of Ghana.  Because of the limited space available, the quality of the fruit sent to Europe was high and Ghana established a strong reputation for producing good pineapples.  Only 10% of production, however, could be exported due to the constraints.  As more airlines began flying to Accra, production was able to ramp up, but still was unable to meet the huge demand in the European market.  So in the 90’s TIPCEE (Trade and Investment Program for a Competitive Export Economy) helped establish SPEG to promote higher export volumes.  They were able to get transport time down from 21 days to 13 days, which reduced spoilage rates on arrival in Europe and increased Ghana’s share in the market.

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Let Them Eat Cash: The New Approach to Food Aid

A few years ago, I used to subscribe to Harper’s Magazine.  The lead article in one of the issues was titled “Let them eat cash: Can Bill Gates turn hunger into profit?”  It seemed interesting, but couldn’t really understand much of it at the time, since I didn’t know anything about food aid policy, or development in general.  Just the other day I met someone who is working with the World Food Program’s Purchase for Progress program out here in Ghana.  She asked me what I thought about the WFP and food aid in general.  So I gave her my typical screed about food aid providing a market for surplus corn and soyabean production in the United States while calling it aid.  And I talked about how flooding the market with low-cost (or no-cost) food may be necessary in the short-term, but is counterproductive in the long-run, since it undermines the competitiveness of the private sector in the areas where it is delivered and leaves the market in a state of atrophy.  The conversation reminded me to go back and re-read the article.  This time, I understand it much better.

The author, Frederick Kaufmann, attended a world summit on hunger and climate change (fitting both into the busy schedule).     Continue reading

The Importance of Having a Market in Agriculture

The pineapple sector in Ghana is interesting.  Unlike maize, rice, and, to a lesser extent, soyabean, which are all considered staple crops, fruits, including pineapple, mango, and citrus (oranges) are cash crops for which there is an export market.  In mango, for example, there are a few companies and independent traders (usually Lebanese) with export markets in the UK, Europe, and the Middle East.  More often than not, exporters in the country are either foreigners or Ghanaians who have lived abroad.  The reason for this is simple: the person with the most leverage in this industry (aside from the massive retail supermarkets who can literally sink an industry in a matter of years) are those with access to markets.  Production is cheap, and production is easy.  It is finding someone to buy your products that is the hard part.

For the last four decades, agriculture aid in Africa has revolved around training, capacity-building, and mechanization.  Bring tractors and train the hell out of the farmer to use them.  Give them fertilizer and teach them how to apply it properly.  Unfortunately, these approaches rarely take into consideration where all those increased yields are going to be sold.  What inevitably happens is that supply grows faster than demand (or at least people/companies who know where demand is and have the money to buy the materials to supply it), which drives the prices down.  Rural smallholder farmers tend to be poor and have nonexistent cash flow, so they cannot store their products during the high season and sell for a higher price during the low season.  Instead, they have to unload all their product at a lower price, and maybe end up with less money than they had before.  The banks who ended up financing all the fertilizer for the production usually end up writing off the loans, because the farmers aren’t making any more profit than they did before.  The end result is an agriculture sector that doesn’t work.

The key factor is the market.   Continue reading

Seeing the Pineapple Supply Chain Come Full Circle

For the last week I’ve been in Techiman, a city of 80,000 people and the leading market town in Ghana.  Because it is situated near the Tano River, it has historical significance as a major trade route and is now home to the second-largest market in West Africa.  Trucks from Mali and Niger come down here to distribute products to the rest of Ghana and other countries in West Africa.  I am up here to meet some maize aggregators (middlemen) and try to figure out their margins.  Most farmers accuse the aggregators of cheating them on prices, but no one knows for sure because the aggregators aren’t exactly forthcoming with their pricing arrangements and, even if they were, they don’t keep records so they can only tell you with any certainly about the last few purchases they maize.  Not to mention, maize is absolutely crazy – the price might fluctuate from 25 Ghana cedis (Ghc) to 100 Ghc in a year.  So it is a tough task, but I’m slogging my way through (right now, I have calculated 20-30% gross margins, 5-10% net margins, but who knows).

For the last month I have been working with a group of small-scale pineapple juice processors.  I met with the owner of I.E. Starke, the maker of “For You” brand pineapple juice.  We went over his business and collaboratively developed a business plan (it is essential not to write the plan for the company you are working with, because they will just treat it as another document on the shelf and never look at it again).  I took a look at his operations and listened to what the challenges are in terms of his business.  Then I went on my merry way to head up to Techiman.

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Invisible Barriers: Land Tenure for Women in Ghana

I attended a gender sensitivity training put on by a partner of ADVANCE. The training was given to two offices with whom I’m trying to work, so I thought it would be a good opportunity to meet and get to know everyone at the training. I had a lot of pre-conceived notions about what a gender sensitivity training would entail, and thought it might be good fodder for some jokes. As it turns out, how the program impacts men and women differently is actually pretty interesting. There are a lot of nuanced cultural traditions that skew the equitable distribution of benefits.

We were divided into three groups and each asked to represent a different actor in the value chain – traders, processors, and farmers. We did a role play exercise where I pretended to be the owner of a rice mill and I discussed how I employ men and women in my business. Each group did something similar, and the next two days were spent drilling down on the reasons that things are the way they are. Towards the end of the training, everyone voted on the most relevant roadblocks that relegate one gender (typically women) to a disadvantaged position. One of those problems was the system of title exchange, which effectively excludes women from owning land and, as a consequence, developing farms.

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Small-Scale Pineapple Processors Discover Ruthless Capitalism

I have spent the last week in the region around Accra meeting with small-scale pineapple processors.  ADVANCE has six offices, each with about six field business facilitators (FBF).  I have been working with Collins, the pineapple FBF out of the office in Tema, the main port town a half hour outside of Accra, the capital city.  He put together an association of pineapple juice manufacturers who are all buying fresh pineapple directly from farmers in the area, processing them in small factories with a single assembly line and a few employees.  There is a actually a huge market for fresh fruit juice in the country.  Ghanaians have become more health-conscious in the last few years and are increasingly opting for 100% fruit juice instead of synthetic products.

These pineapple processors have a strong market demand.  They have customers who bring their own bottles and private label their juices with these processors.  In addition, the processors have their own labels and sell to hotels, restaurants, and markets as far as six hours away.  They get their pineapples from multiple different sources.  Some have their own farms and all have relationships with local producers.  They even buy product from the big exporters to the European Union, who have specific quality standards that, if not met, result in the pineapples being rejected.  The processors buy up this excess at a low cost and turn it into juice.  The problem with this arrangement is that the major exporters are also juicemakers themselves, so these processors are effectively buying their raw materials from their largest competitor, which makes for a tenuous relationship, at best.  For now though, the businesses are doing well.  There is one major constraint, however: bottles.

There are no glass manufacturing plants in Ghana, so these processors buy used bottles from companies that collect discarded bottles of Vitamilk and other drinks.  They typically hire two women to wash the glass bottles, strip them of their labels, and pack them into crates.  But bottles are expensive here.  A crate of 24 bottles costs 2.60 cedis.  Once the crates have been filled with juiced, labeled, and corked, they are sold for 7 cedis, which gives you an idea of the thin margins here.  There is, however, a solution to this problem.  Burkina Faso, Ghana’s Canada, also consumes a lot of Vitamilk, but their juice processing industry is much less developed compared with Ghana.  There is an enterprising businessman at the Ghana-Burkina border who buys up all of the used bottles from Burkina and imports them into Ghana.  It is cheaper to buy them at the border (1.50 to 2 cedis per crate), but the minimum order size is 600 crates.  And here is where it gets dark.

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The Road to Agricultural Self-Sufficiency in Africa

In a new book, Calestous Juma makes the case that Africa can ‘feed itself in a generation.’  Self-sufficiency is ideal, but there are some major roadblocks.  Here is the problem:

Global food production has rocketed in recent decades but has stagnated in many parts of Africa, despite the continent having “abundant” arable land and labour, says Professor Juma.

He estimates that while food production has grown globally by 145% over the past 40 years, African food production has fallen by 10% since 1960, which he attributes to low investment.

While 70% of Africans may be engaged in farming, those who are undernourished on the continent has risen by 100 million to 250 million since 1990, he estimates.

The professor’s blueprint calls for the expansion of basic infrastructure, including new road, irrigation and energy schemes.

Farms should be mechanised, storage and processing facilities built, while biotechnology and GM crops should be used where they can bring benefits.

But what was needed above all else was the political will at the highest level.

“You can modernise agriculture in an area by simply building roads, so that you can send in seed and move out produce,” he told the BBC.

The path to agriculture self-sufficiency is filled with obstacles; some are surmountable, others are not.  Building roads, irrigation facilities (less than 5% of the arable farmland in Ghana is irrigated), investing in crop and seed research, and bringing in tractors and other mechanized implements fall into the former category.  Global trade dynamics, including tariffs and agriculture subsidies among rich nations, belong in the latter.